{"id":7401,"date":"2020-10-29T01:36:30","date_gmt":"2020-10-29T05:36:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/?p=7401"},"modified":"2020-10-29T01:36:30","modified_gmt":"2020-10-29T05:36:30","slug":"chile-abolishes-its-dictatorship-era-constitution-in-groundbreaking-vote-for-a-more-inclusive-democracy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/?p=7401","title":{"rendered":"Chile Abolishes Its Dictatorship-Era Constitution in Groundbreaking Vote for a More Inclusive Democracy"},"content":{"rendered":"

Chileans celebrate victory after the referendum, in Santiago, Chile, Oct. 25, 2020. Felipe Vargas Figueroa\/NurPhoto via Getty Images<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

One year ago, Chileans took their anger over inequality and injustice<\/a> to the streets, insisting that redressing the nation\u2019s deep structural problems would require<\/a> more than reform. They said Chile would need a new constitution with more rights and better social protections.<\/p>\n

On Oct. 25, in a popular referendum, the rest of the country overwhelmingly agreed with their diagnosis<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Chile\u2019s referendum asked voters two questions: Should Chile convene a constitutional convention to write a brand-new constitution? If so, who should write that constitution \u2013 an assembly comprising half congressional representatives and half citizens, or an assembly comprising just citizens?<\/p>\n

With 79% of the vote, Chileans demanded a new constitution written solely by their fellow Chileans<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Our research on democratic governments<\/a> and women\u2019s political participation<\/a> explains why Chile\u2019s Oct. 25 vote breaks new ground and could set an example for democracies worldwide.<\/p>\n

Countries usually write new constitutions only when wars end<\/a> or when transitioning to democracy<\/a>. And constitutional conventions composed solely of citizens are practically unheard of. Chile shows what frustrated people in democracies can achieve when they rise up<\/a>.<\/p>\n

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\u2018Chile Decided\u2019 for change. Martin Bernetti\/AFP via Getty Images<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/figure>\n

A tale of 2 Chiles<\/strong><\/p>\n

Chile\u2019s current constitution dates back to Augusto Pinochet, the military dictator who governed the South American country from 1973 to 1990.<\/p>\n

Pinochet lost power in a 1988 referendum, highlighting the transformative potential of ballot initiatives in Chile.<\/p>\n

But even as Chile transitioned to free and fair elections, Pinochet\u2019s legacy persisted<\/a> in the country\u2019s restrictive, dictatorship-era constitution. It defined an electoral system<\/a> that limited the power of the left and favored incumbents, reducing turnover in office. The lack of electoral incentives for politicians to listen to voters created an insular and unresponsive political class<\/a>.<\/p>\n

For a while, these problems were masked by Chile\u2019s booming economy. The economy grew<\/a>, on average, 7% annually in the 1990s, and continued strong in the new millennium<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The economic boom reduced poverty, but the rich got much richer<\/a>. Thanks to Chile\u2019s free-market economic system \u2013 loosely based on the U.S. model but with less regulation \u2013 today the wealthiest 10% of Chileans receive nearly 40% of the country\u2019s income<\/a>. Chile is one of the most unequal countries among developed nations<\/a>, worse than the United States.<\/p>\n

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Chile\u2019s protesters won the right to choose their nation\u2019s future, but not without bloodshed. Claudio Abarca Sandoval\/NurPhoto via Getty Images<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/figure>\n

While Chile\u2019s rich and corporations enjoy low taxes, its poor and elderly struggle with nearly no social safety net. While wealthy Chileans visit state-of-the-art private medical clinics staffed with U.S.-trained doctors, the poor rely on public hospitals where they must often buy their own syringes, bandages and drugs<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Chileans have long acknowledged<\/a> this inequality, but the presidents who followed Pinochet \u2013 whether on the left or right \u2013 did little to alter this model.<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, Latin American governments from Mexico to Brazil invested in the comprehensive redistribution of wealth<\/a> and passed laws implementing gender quotas for legislative candidates<\/a>. Many amended their constitutions to clearly state that historically excluded groups like women and indigenous peoples enjoyed equal rights. Bolivia even wrote a new constitution<\/a> in 2008 recognizing itself as a multi-ethnic country and protecting Indigenous language, culture and lands.<\/p>\n

Chile tried to address simmering unhappiness in 2017, expanding the number of seats in its congress, changing electoral rules to make races more competitive and introducing quotas for women candidates. But it was too little, too late.<\/p>\n

What changed?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Chileans first took to the streets of the capital, Santiago, over an increase in public transit fares, on Oct. 14, 2019. Things turned serious \u2013 and violent \u2013 overnight on Oct. 18<\/a>, as ever more people joined the demonstrations in what became known as \u201cel estallido\u201d \u2013 the explosion.<\/p>\n

The following week, 1 million of Chile\u2019s 19 million people marched for reform<\/a> nationwide, with wide-ranging demands.<\/p>\n

Student protesters wanted free higher education<\/a>. Pensioners wanted a dignified retirement<\/a>. Workers wanted better wages<\/a>. Women and feminists wanted an end to gender violence<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Chileans hope a new constitution with more rights and stronger mandates for such reforms will quell the protests, which paused only during the height of Chile\u2019s pandemic lockdown in spring and early summer<\/a>.<\/p>\n