{"id":6668,"date":"2018-11-18T20:37:19","date_gmt":"2018-11-19T01:37:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/?p=6668"},"modified":"2018-11-18T20:37:19","modified_gmt":"2018-11-19T01:37:19","slug":"dozens-of-migrants-disappear-in-mexico-as-central-american-caravan-pushes-northward","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/?p=6668","title":{"rendered":"Dozens of Migrants Disappear in Mexico as Central American Caravan Pushes Northward"},"content":{"rendered":"
Migrants travel in groups through Mexico for safety reasons. But Mexico is still one of the world\u2019s most dangerous countries. AP Photo\/Rodrigo Abd<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The Hondurans who banded together last month to travel northward to the United States, fleeing gangs<\/a>, corruption<\/a> and poverty<\/a>, were joined by other Central Americans hoping to find safety<\/a> in numbers on this perilous journey.<\/p>\n

But group travel couldn\u2019t save everyone.<\/p>\n

Earlier this month, two trucks from the caravan disappeared<\/a> in the state of Veracruz, Mexico. One person who escaped told officials<\/a> that about \u201c65 children and seven women were sold\u201d by the driver to a group of armed men<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Mexican authorities are searching for the migrants, but history shows that people missing for more than 24 hours are rarely found<\/a> in Mexico \u2013 alive or at all.<\/p>\n

Mexico\u2019s ambiguous welcome<\/strong><\/p>\n

An average of 12 people disappear each day<\/a> in Mexico. Most are victims of a raging three-way war among the Mexican armed forces<\/a>, organized crime and drug cartels.<\/p>\n

The military crackdown on criminal activity has actually escalated violence<\/a> in Mexico since operations began in 2006, my research<\/a> and other security studies<\/a> show.<\/p>\n

Nearly 22,000<\/a> people were murdered in Mexico in the first eight months of this year, a dismal record in one of the world\u2019s deadliest places.<\/p>\n

Central Americans fleeing similarly rampant violence back home confront those risks and others on their journey to the United States. Doctors Without Borders<\/a> found that over two-thirds of migrants surveyed in Mexico in 2014 experienced violence en route. One-third of women had been sexually abused.<\/p>\n

Mexico\u2019s security crisis may explain why so few caravan members want to stay there.<\/p>\n

In response to President Donald Trump\u2019s demands<\/a> that Mexico \u201cstop this onslaught,\u201d Mexican President Enrique Pe\u00f1a Nieto announced<\/a> that migrants who applied for asylum at Mexico\u2019s southern border would be given shelter, medical attention, schooling and jobs.<\/p>\n

About 1,700<\/a> of the estimated 5,000 caravan members took him up on the offer.<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, everyday Mexicans<\/a> are greeting the migrants as they pass through their towns, donating<\/a> food, clothing, lodging and transport.<\/p>\n

A recent poll<\/a> shows that 51 percent of Mexicans support the caravan. Thirty-three percent of respondents, many of them affluent members of Mexico\u2019s urban middle class<\/a>, want the migrants to go back to Central America.<\/p>\n

\n
\"\"
Two trucks carrying an estimated 80 migrants went missing in Mexico in early November. AP Photo\/Marco Ugarte<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/figure>\n

Asylum overload<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mexican law<\/a>, which allows eligible asylum seekers to both request and be granted asylum, exceeds international standards on the rights of migrants<\/a>.<\/p>\n

But reality in Mexico often falls short of the law.<\/p>\n

The Mexican Refugee Assistance Commission is supposed to process asylum applications<\/a> in 45 days. But its offices in Mexico City were damaged by last year\u2019s earthquake<\/a>, forcing the already overstretched and underfunded<\/a> agency to suspend<\/a> processing of open asylum claims for months.<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, new applications for asylum in Mexico continued to pour in \u2013 a record 14,596<\/a> were filed last year. The processing backlog<\/a> is now two years.<\/p>\n

During that period of legal limbo, asylum seekers cannot work, attend school or fully access Mexico\u2019s public health system. President-elect Andr\u00e9s Manuel L\u00f3pez Obrador, who takes office on Dec. 1, says he will offer<\/a> Central American migrants temporary working visas while their claims are processed.<\/p>\n

Anti-caravan posts on social media accuse migrants of taking Mexican jobs<\/a> and violating Mexico\u2019s sovereignty<\/a>, using nativist language similar to that seen in the United States<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Mexico City, which in 2017 declared itself to be a sanctuary city<\/a>, nonetheless put thousands of caravan members up in a stadium staffed by medical teams and humanitarian groups.<\/p>\n

Militarizing the US-Mexico border<\/strong><\/p>\n

The first Central Americans from the caravan are now arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border<\/a>, where they face a far less warm reception.<\/p>\n

Calling the caravan an \u201cinvasion<\/a>,\u201d President Trump has ordered the deployment of over 5,000 troops<\/a> to the border.<\/p>\n

U.S. law prohibits<\/a> the use of the armed forces to enforce domestic laws without specific congressional authorization. That means the troops can only support border agents in deterring migrants.<\/p>\n

But Trump\u2019s decision still has symbolic power. This is the first time in over a century that military troops have been summoned to defend the U.S.-Mexico border.<\/p>\n

The last deployment occurred during the Mexican Revolution.<\/p>\n

On March 9, 1916, a small band of revolutionaries led by Francisco \u201cPancho\u201d Villa invaded<\/a> Columbus, New Mexico.<\/p>\n

\n
\"\"<\/a>
After Mexican revolutionary Pancho Villa attacked Columbus, New Mexico, President Woodrow Wilson sent troops to the border \u2013 and into Mexican territory. United States Air Force<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/figure>\n

Officially, the group assaulted the border city in retaliation for then-President Woodrow Wilson\u2019s support of Venustiano Carranza, Villa\u2019s political rival. Villa also had a personal vendetta against Sam Ravel, a local man who had swindled money from him.<\/p>\n

President Wilson responded by summoning General John J. Pershing, who assembled a force of 6,000 U.S. troops to chase<\/a> Villa deep inside Mexico\u2019s northern territory. Pershing\u2019s \u201cpunitive expedition\u201d returned in early 1917 after failing to capture the revolutionary leader.<\/p>\n

No relief at the border<\/strong><\/p>\n

Central Americans who reach the militarized United States border can still apply for asylum<\/a> there, despite President Trump\u2019s recent executive order limiting<\/a> where they may do so. But they face stiff odds.<\/p>\n

\n
\"\"
The Central American caravan includes many women asylum seekers hoping to give their children a safer life in the United States. AP Photo\/Rodrigo Abd<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/figure>\n

After an evaluation process that can take months or years<\/a>, the majority of Central American asylum claims filed in the United States \u2013 75 percent \u2013 are denied<\/a>. Caravan members rejected will be sent back to the same perilous place they fled last month.<\/p>\n

With 60 percent of its population living in poverty<\/a>, Honduras is the poorest country in Latin America<\/a>. It also has the world\u2019s second-highest homicide rate \u2013 43.6 murders per 100,000 people<\/a> \u2013 trailing only El Salvador.<\/p>\n

The U.S. contributed to the instability that created these hardships<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Honduras has been in turmoil since 2009, when the military<\/a> overthrew leftist President Manuel Zelaya. Rather than join the United Nations and European Union in demanding Zelaya\u2019s reinstatement, then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called for new elections<\/a>, effectively endorsing a coup.<\/p>\n

The country entered a prolonged political crisis<\/a>. Honduras\u2019s November 2017 presidential election was contested<\/a>, with the U.S.-backed<\/a> President Juan Orlando Hern\u00e1ndez accused of rigging the vote<\/a>. Seventeen opposition protesters were killed in the unrest that followed.<\/p>\n

The Central American caravan that started in Honduras seeks in the U.S. a life free of such violence. Its steady progress toward the border shows that even kidnappings, Trump\u2019s threats<\/a> and soldiers cannot deter them.\"The<\/p>\n

Luis G\u00f3mez Romero<\/a>, Senior Lecturer in Human Rights, Constitutional Law and Legal Theory, University of Wollongong<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

This article is republished from The Conversation<\/a> under a Creative Commons license.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Hondurans who banded together last month to travel northward to the United States, fleeing gangs, corruption and poverty, were joined by other Central Americans hoping to find safety in numbers on this perilous journey. But group travel couldn\u2019t save everyone. Earlier this month, two trucks from the caravan disappeared in the state of Veracruz,…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":124,"featured_media":7259,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"fifu_image_url":"https:\/\/images.theconversation.com\/files\/245607\/original\/file-20181114-194519-birzhm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=10%2C392%2C6699%2C3349&q=45&auto=format&w=1356&h=668&fit=crop","fifu_image_alt":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[189],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6668","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-borders-commerce"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6668","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/124"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=6668"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6668\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6670,"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6668\/revisions\/6670"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/7259"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=6668"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=6668"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinamericasecurityreport.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=6668"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}